After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in by Florence E. Babb

By Florence E. Babb

Nicaragua's Sandinista revolution (1979-1990) initiated a huge software of social transformation to enhance the location of the operating category and negative, girls, and different non-elite teams via agrarian reform, restructured city employment, and extensive entry to health and wellbeing care, schooling, and social providers. This publication explores how Nicaragua's least strong voters have fared within the years because the Sandinista revolution, as neoliberal governments have rolled again those state-supported reforms and brought measures to advertise the improvement of a market-driven economy.

Drawing on ethnographic examine performed in the course of the Nineteen Nineties, Florence Babb describes the damaging effects that experience the go back to a capitalist course, in particular for ladies and low-income electorate. moreover, she charts the expansion of women's and different social hobbies (neighborhood, lesbian and homosexual, indigenous, formative years, peace, and environmental) that experience taken good thing about new openings for political mobilization. Her ethnographic photographs of a low-income barrio and of women's craft cooperatives powerfully hyperlink neighborhood, cultural responses to nationwide and worldwide processes.

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Additional resources for After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua

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Interestingly, the other coordinator had the opportunity to go to the United States with a group of Nicaraguans for technical training funded by usaid, but I do not know what became of this select group. The cooperative of artisans included several women and men making silver and coral jewelry and two women making decorative wall hangings and other items with bark from the tuno tree, found on the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua. The co-op, which was established in 1987, prides itself on its high-quality work.

First, the Sandinistas’ loss brought not Negotiating Spaces 43 only an abrupt political transition but also a more reflective period for the fsln; forced to acknowledge past errors of a top-down leadership, the party opened the way for more independent organizing. Second, it may be precisely in the context of desperately difficult times that Nicaraguans are seeking not only new lives but also new meanings by which to apprehend their lives. Putting forward gender and sexuality, as well as race and class, as key elements in a new oppositional political agenda is a way that subaltern groups have resisted the conservative government ideology and found openings for collective expressions of identity.

My research in Managua began by focusing on the first of these developments as I followed the changing fortunes of a number of women (and some men) who worked in small industries and commerce in the city. Yet as I documented the grim results of neoliberal policy for low-income urban women, I repeatedly turned with relief to observe (and participate in) feminist activities—meetings, marches, and conferences—that were occurring with increasing regularity in the country. I came to regard this as a “second project” in Nicaragua, to follow the encouraging development of independent initiatives among women in both the middle-class and popular sectors who are seizing a political and cultural space.

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